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The FBI enlisted Dwek in in a plea-bargaining arrangement due to Dwek facing a penalty of 30 years in prison. As a co-operating witness, Dwek was used to expose illicit charity operations run by the rabbis.

Rabbi Nahum told Dwek that he should spread his money through a number of rabbis. Video recordings reveal that negotiations between Dwek and the rabbis took place in parking lots, back alleys, diners and boiler rooms, with thousands in cash being stuffed into Apple Jacks cereal boxes before being passed on. Besides doing business with the informant, the rabbis used their charities linked to their synagogues to launder money for countless others.

The rabbis were charged with laundering money that often was sent to Israel. Links with the various clubs representing overseas students are also easy to build. And of course students forgoing expensive airfares save quite a bit of money, some of which can be put toward one or two really memorable Oxford experiences.

Most importantly, this is one of the rare opportunities when active participation by environmentalists willing to make a small personal sacrifice in service of the cause actually makes a difference—sustaining a community instead of condescending to one. Staying in town to organize and socialize instead of heading home for the holidays is a far cry from refusing to take hot showers or tumble dry clothes. A small population, however, is happy to stay in town if there is a community to support them, and the emissions savings from even that small population is enormous when compared with the savings from other environmental initiatives.

Kudos to an efficient, practical, and well-considered approach to carbon reduction. There is no such effort at Oxford; the environmentalists all hopped on their flights home to eat tofurky with the parents. Such topics are sometimes categorized as either current affairs or political issues; I feel that both those terms carry baggage—reaction-driven in-the-moment decisions and electoral tactics, among other things—that is best introduced independently from the underlying issues.

Religious advocates are quoted in newspapers, appear on talk shows, and even hold their own public meetings to discuss social issues. Shut the fuck up. In fact, I agree with the doctrine of humanism which modern advocates publicly claim forms the core of their religions, and this doctrine is highly relevant to many social issues. I find their marketing offensive. I totally get that he thinks his product makes the world a better place, and that it makes people happy, and that every single person would be better off if they bought it.

But I suspect Steve Jobs feels the same way about his products, too. The most egregious cases of poor taste in marketing occur when it is the religion itself which has precipitated the problem under discussion.

When discussing the abuse of children by priests, it only makes sense to invite someone from the Catholic church to participate. Appropriate participation, however, is limited to answering the concerns that are raised. It damn well is a reason, and we all know it. That says a lot about an industry that claims the moral high ground. Although the policy revelations contained in the reports released so far have merely helped to confirm long-assumed truths of international diplomacy, the extremely candid assessments of foreign officials given by diplomats are quite embarrassing to all concerned.

Many politicians and government officials in the US consider the release espionage or even terrorism and are demanding legal action. Assange begins with the premise that open, transparent government is good and that any form of secrecy is bad.

Assange argues that releasing any secret information that becomes available forces the organization to become more closed, taking even more care than before to protect its secrets. I consider it quite likely that Assange is simply wrong about the effects of such leaks. The information released has repeatedly brought to public attention the benefits of occasional secrets. It is obvious, for example, that frank and detailed profiles of foreign leaders are useful, but equally obvious that these will frequently be unflattering and thus best kept private.

The cables also reveal that Yemen was willing to cooperate with the US in attacking terrorist cells in its territory, but was unable to conduct such attacks itself and felt that allowing US attacks would make the Yemeni government look weak; they agreed to allow US attacks on the condition that the Yemeni government can claim responsibility—a compromise that few Americans, at least, would fault, but one dependent on the ability to keep secrets.

Further, the cables demonstrate consistent best-faith efforts to consider all sides of nuanced cultural, political, and moral issues in ways that are simply not possible in public partisan political discourse. I expect the vast majority of Americans following the story in much detail would become less, not more, supportive of a fully-transparent US government. But perhaps more important is the number of Americans who really do follow such stories in any detail.

Democratic governments are held to account by their democratic processes, which decide among other things what level of transparency to provide. More transparency potentially offers more accurate democratic decision-making, while less transparency could potentially offer increased governmental efficiency in some areas.

The argument that democracy is unworkable without voter omniscience is one against democracy, not in favor of slightly more transparency. I tend to think that no simple answer exists as to what level of transparency is appropriate for which organization, and post-hoc justifications are worse than useless.

I consider such an outlook to completely misunderstand the new landscape of information availability, which is not entirely black and white.

This topic merits more space than I can devote here, but the most obvious refutation is that this really is a story about WikiLeaks. Worse, the concept of free speech is being distorted beyond all recognition: On the latter point, Amazon is an independent company with the right to choose what it hosts, and they have made clear that WikiLeaks was removed for violating its terms of service which require that customers have full rights to the content they serve.

One could make a free-speech argument in the case where a monopoly whether an individual company of a coalition of companies is able to block all access—if ISPs chose not to carry the information, for example—but this is absolutely not the situation for web hosting services.

As John Gruber asks , if you do not think that WikiLeaks has the right to redistribute this information, then are the Guardian, the New York Times, and all other news outlets similarly culpable?

The line here seems fairly straightforward to me: WikiLeaks is actively choosing to make secret information public, which is a blatant violation of US law. Once WikiLeaks has made the information irrevocably public, however, news outlets are free or, in practice, obliged to comment on this newly-public information. The New York Times is in no way a co-conspirator with WikiLeaks in the crime of making these secrets public; they merely have the same free-speech rights as anyone else to comment on public information.

Misrepresent the new proposal. Present existing problems as newly-introduced problems. Provide no alternatives; suggest that the choice is between the current proposal and some abstract principled ideal instead of the status quo.

Ignore or misrepresent approaches that have been robustly implemented elsewhere. There seemed to be an assumption that British politics were less susceptible to such insular ignorance. As a quick primer for non-Brits, university students currently pay only a fraction of the true university tuition cost—the balance is funded by the government. Further, students are entitled to government-provided loans for living expenses while they are enrolled at university. Under both current and proposed plans, government costs are paid out of the general budget i.

As with the health care debate, this proposed policy shift highlights a number of interesting issues. What drives the real cost of a university education, and how can this be controlled?

What motivates people to pursue university degrees, and what discourages them? Is that value delivered primarily to the student, or is there an external benefit to society of having more graduates? How do these values differ between universities, courses, and students? I have read a fair amount about the new funding proposal, and I have not found a single discussion in the mainstream media about any of these issues. Instead, we have a parallel of the health care debate: In fact, the new proposal reduces the money a student needs when they start university; the only increase is the amount they must repay afterwards.

There is an attempt to make this proposal a referendum on the notion of social mobility, which everyone on every side of the debate supports anyway. British awareness and understanding of the US university system which, despite its many many problems, remains the envy of the world is far worse than American understanding of British health care. I would not personally support adopting the American model wholesale, but a rational assessment of needs-blind admissions at private universities would be refreshing.

But beyond the policy itself, the rhetoric surrounding it has underscored two things that I discovered during my decade in the UK. First, the smug condescension heaped upon US politics and culture by the Brits is much less well-deserved than I thought before I left the US: Given the negation of any definitional foundation, Powell is able to draw equivalences between aboriginal Tasmania and the modern global economy: Which society is the more advanced?

Most academics attribute at least some of their motivation to the belief that improved understanding of your topic provides a net benefit to society. While nineteenth-century anthropologists like Lewis Henry Morgan had some genuine sympathy for the Indigenous peoples that they studied, they still took it for granted that European peoples were superior, not only technologically but culturally and morally as well.

An action or belief can be unanimously morally condemned by a culture, despite the fact that its prevalence in that culture is not zero.

Murder and rape have been condemned in every culture ever studied although the definitions of both vary , and yet they have always remained problems; individuals constantly fail to live up to their moral ideals. One may rail against capitalism and social mobility and all the other cargo carried along by modern secular liberalism, but questioning the relative worth of values which differ between cultures does not negate the progress that has been made on values that are shared.

Even within modern societies, cultural advancement is both easily defined and readily apparent: Even if you think that a culture accepting of gays is inferior to one stigmatizing them, there is no doubt that a culture trying to accept gays but failing is worse than one trying and succeeding. Apologists for current aboriginal policies condemn books like Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry for advocating Eurocentric solutions to social ills like substance abuse, poverty, and violence.

Modern government and social policy are as crucial and versatile a technological tool as modern medicine, and disinformation about efficacy should be treated with just as much contempt. David Paterson is a dick. Like a true politician, his reasons involve no principle other than the avoidance of an unpalatable political debate.

In the wake of the alleged hate crime against a New York City taxi driver, I must take this opportunity to remind New Yorkers that we cannot and will not allow bias and ignorance to infect our communities and deny our hard working, innocent residents the respect they deserve.

The potential for this kind of violence is one of the reasons why I have called publicly for a respectful and unifying conversation about the Park51 project. I continue to offer my assistance for an open dialogue that I believe will help to bring New Yorkers together. I have two things to say about this: Dear All We have been in conversation with a commercial organisation regarding the launch of a new product.

The are about to release an iPad type tablet, and want Android based applications especially in the medical and life science fields which are novel. If you have or know of anyone who has such applications I can put you in contact with [XXX].

In light of this, it has quickly become the fashion for everyone to pretend that this has significance for the larger tech community. Suppose a researcher announced a proof that a theoretically perfect gasoline engine would create greater power per unit volume than a theoretically perfect steam engine, including boiler.

My experience is limited to the Connecticut Department of Social Services only. The acronym is for Women Infants and Children. You can qualify for WIC if your income is below a certain amount. Other WIC requirements include: Or, if you are cynical, it is cheaper to provide basic nutritional assistance for the most vulnerable population than to provide health care after they show up in our emergency rooms. It is not just for the basics, but for groceries in general. Nothing organic is allowed.

Keep in mind that we are over-educated, native English speakers, and we have a really hard time navigating this process. When my therapist asked me why WIC made me feel angry, infantalized and humiliated, I showed her the booklet explaining which foods we are and are not allowed to get. She made several mistakes trying to understand the first two pages.

Why is WIC so complicated? Because it involves negotiations between the states and food manufacturers. The state asks companies to submit bids and accepts whatever it can get for the least amount of money. Big companies can usually afford to provide the deepest discounts.

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